by Eric Martin
A few weeks back, Bret Stephens took to the pages of the Wall Street Journal to issue the latest iteration of what is a recurring hawkish argument in favor of continuing the war du jour (in the present example, Stephens is arguing for prolonging the longest war in US history - the war in Afghanistan):
The U.S. cannot remain a superpower if the suspicion takes root that we are a feckless nation that can be stampeded into surrender by a domestic caucus of defeatists.
To which I am tempted to merely quote George Kennan and leave it at that:
[T]here is more respect to be won in the opinion of the world by a resolute and courageous liquidation of unsound positions than by the most stubborn pursuit of extravagant and unpromising objectives.
The fact that Kennan felt the need to respond to a version of the same argument that Stephens repeats today is a testament to its longevity, if not persuasiveness. Stephens' nostrum is fundamentally flawed in that it puts too much stock in the power of perceptions, and not enough into the actual state of affairs in a given country as a determinant of its strength. As if our status as a superpower were determined by the fickle whims of the viewing public, and not actual tangible factors such as military, economic and cultural strength.
After all, the Soviet Union did not crumble because it withdrew from Afghanistan, thus losing face on the world stage, but rather because it was a corrupt, unsustainable, inefficient system that was decaying systemically and was attracting few, if any, admirers and imitators. Put another way, if the Soviets had stayed in Afghanistan for three decades past their actual date of departure, would the world still perceive the Soviets as a superpower? Obviously not.
If anything, the fact that the Soviets dug in and stayed for as long as they did served to hasten their demise by further bleeding a tattered empire of dwindling resources that were already spread thin.
Not that I would put the US in Soviet shoes in terms of relative strength, but certain warning signs should sound somewhat familiar. At present, America has severe infrastructural needs due to decades of neglect and deterioration. Estimates put the price tag in the trillions, and that's just for upkeep, which does nothing to address the fact that we are not pushing ahead with new innovative technologies and infrastructural advancements that will ensure a position of dominance for our commercial sector for decades to come. On the contrary, other nations and regions are spearheading developments in green technology, faster information systems/connectivity and transportation efficiency.
At least part of this neglect is due to the fact that, while our tax base is relatively low when compared to other Western industrial nations, our defense budget is comparatively enormous. Despite this imbalance in favor of militarization, Stephens worries that we might stop spending hundreds of billions pursuing the unrealistic goal of remaking Afghan society through military means. That money, and other resources dedicated to the Pentagon vortex, could do more to improve our prospects for remaining a superpower if put to actual productive use, rather than as part of a grandiose enterprise comprised of "pounding sand" in the name of something or other.
But Stephens and his ilk act as if the actual decline brought on by such expensive adventurism and hyper-militarization was a minor trifle, secondary to "what will the neighbors think" writ large if we abandon one or more wars (or forgo the commencement of yet another). However, the real question is what will become of our global reputation if key facets of our society are in obvious states of decline - and what of our ability to compete without first rate education, health care, transportation, connectivity and other vital expedients?
Paul Krugman recently documented the many startling ways in which we are regressing in the face of economic hardship, and the realities of an atrophied tax revenue stream. We are, depending on the region, shortening the school year, unpaving roads, turning out street lights, passing on trash collection, cutting back on the number of teachers, etc. A recent New York Times piece has more (via):
When Emily Cooper headed off to first grade in Moody, Ala., last week, she was prepared with all the stuff on her elementary school’s must-bring list: two double rolls of paper towels, three packages of Clorox wipes, three boxes of baby wipes, two boxes of garbage bags, liquid soap, Kleenex and Ziplocs.
“The first time I saw it, my mouth hit the floor,” Emily’s mother, Kristin Cooper, said of the list, which also included perennials like glue sticks, scissors and crayons.
Schools across the country are beginning the new school year with shrinking budgets and outsize demands for basic supplies. And while many parents are wincing at picking up the bill, retailers are rushing to cash in by expanding the back-to-school category like never before.
Now some back-to-school aisles are almost becoming janitorial-supply destinations as multipacks of paper towels, cleaning spray and hand sanitizer are crammed alongside pens, notepads and backpacks.
Which prompted Natasha Chart to add: "Because nothing says 'superpower' like when your public schools can't afford toilet paper."
And yet two wars drone on (or one war, and, in the other venue, an end to major combat operations that still requires 50,000+ troops in-country for some time) to the tune of billions of dollars each month, and Bret Stephens frets about what other countries might think of us if we eventually end one (which, presumably, we might do on unfavorable grounds even if we muddle through for another decade).
Not to mention the fact that, as Matt Duss notes, goading us into a stubborn campaign where pyrrhic victories are the only ones that can be hoped for, eventually, with a lot of luck, might be a victory in and of itself in the eyes of our adversaries:
I’ve always found it interesting how, for pro-war types like Stephens, these sorts of “reputation” arguments always only go one way: Toward more war. The only way we can show enemies and allies what we’re made of is to continue fighting, continue expending vast resources, even as the strategy is failing, even as our own economy is in crisis. It just never seems to occur to them that ensnaring the U.S. in hugely expensive, open-ended military interventions could also be a goal of our enemies, or that persisting in an intervention that has begun to prove counterproductive is itself a form of fecklessness.
It’s true that in his 1996 fatwa, Osama bin Laden mocked the U.S. for withdrawing from Somalia. But more recently, in November 2004, he also mocked the U.S. for how easy it was for Al Qaeda “to provoke and bait” the U.S. into military action...
Despite the fact that, according to Stephens' law of "global reputation preservation," once engaged in an armed conflict, we cannot disengage short of clear and decisive victory lest we imperil our status as a superpower (no matter how much that war drains us of the vital resources normally used to burnish superpower credentials), he nevertheless would counsel that we start yet another war, this time with Iran.
Maybe for that one, we can have our GIs bring their own toilet paper, bandages, bullets and rucksacks.
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