by hilzoy
Since I have this quaint idea that I should decide who to vote for based on my best judgment about who would -- oh, I know this will sound hopelessly naive, but: who will do the best job, I love it when thoughtful people who know what they're talking about actually survey the various candidates' proposals and evaluate them. Just in case any of you share this peculiar taste, a few links about John McCain. First, a quick one: Michael Berubé went through all the candidates' disability policies recently, and when he got to McCain, he came up empty. (The whole thing is very much worth reading; the bit about McCain is at the very bottom.) You've got to ask yourself one question, disabled people: 'Do I feel lucky?' Well, do ya, punks? Because with McCain, you'll be taking a leap into the unknown.
Next, Reed Hundt, ex-chair of the FCC, looks at McCain's tech policy:
"Notwithstanding his tenure as chair of the Senate Commerce Committee, where I first met him (and where I recall clearly that he used to have opinions), he has only two planks for a communications sector platform and none at all for information technology more generally. First, he is against "taxes that threaten [the Internet, because it is an] engine of economic growth and prosperity." So what taxes are those? He doesn't say. Does he oppose taxes on cable or telephone companies, which are the engines that drive Internet access? He doesn't say. Does he oppose sales taxes on products sold through e-commerce, which is the issue that has often been debated in Congress? He doesn't say.
Second, we find that "John McCain Will Ban New Cell Phone Taxes. John McCain understands that the same people that would tax e-mail will tax every text message - and even 911 calls. John McCain will prohibit new cellular telephone taxes." So does this mean he supports old cell phone taxes and won't repeal them? Who are the people who threaten to tax text messages or 911 calls? He doesn't say. I can't imagine who proposes, for instance, to tax a free call to a first responder. What is McCain thinking?
And that's it for his campaign's communications and information technology policies. If anyone can find any other evidence of positions on these topics, please do share it with me. (...)
McCain opposed the goal of connecting all Americans to telephone service, doesn't support having a national broadband policy that provides any way for rural or lower income people to get Internet access, didn't vote for the competition-providing Telecommunications Act of 1996, opposed putting the Internet into every classroom, and never seemed to care about monopoly or duopoly in any communications market. He said he wanted to auction spectrum but didn't vote for the legislation that authorized the FCC to do that. He often said he didn't like broadcasters, but he failed to stop them from postponing the end of analog television (and delaying the follow-on spectrum auction) when he was chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee.
In sum, he has long appeared to be against using law, regulation, spending or tax policy to encourage competition, innovation, educational technology, or widespread access to common mediums of communication.
Nor is he any closer to an understandable, much less a wise, position when it comes to green technology ..."
Hundt then explains McCain's views on that subject, and why they make no sense at all. It's worth reading, especially since Hundt both knows what he's talking about and explains things very clearly.
Finally, Fareed Zakaria discusses one of McCain's foreign policy proposals:
"On March 26, McCain gave a speech on foreign policy in Los Angeles that was billed as his most comprehensive statement on the subject. It contained within it the most radical idea put forward by a major candidate for the presidency in 25 years. Yet almost no one noticed.
In his speech McCain proposed that the United States expel Russia from the G8, the group of advanced industrial countries. Moscow was included in this body in the 1990s to recognize and reward it for peacefully ending the cold war on Western terms, dismantling the Soviet empire and withdrawing from large chunks of the old Russian Empire as well. McCain also proposed that the United States should expand the G8 by taking in India and Brazil—but pointedly excluded China from the councils of power. (...) In recent years, McCain has turned into a foreign-policy schizophrenic, alternating between neoconservative posturing and realist common sense. His speech reads like it was written by two very different people, each one given an allotment of a few paragraphs on every topic.
The neoconservative vision within the speech is essentially an affirmation of ideology. Not only does it declare war on Russia and China, it places the United States in active opposition to all nondemocracies. It proposes a League of Democracies, which would presumably play the role that the United Nations now does, except that all nondemocracies would be cast outside the pale. The approach lacks any strategic framework. What would be the gain from so alienating two great powers? How would the League of Democracies fight terrorism while excluding countries like Jordan, Morocco, Egypt and Singapore? What would be the gain to the average American to lessen our influence with Saudi Arabia, the central banker of oil, in a world in which we are still crucially dependent on that energy source?
The single most important security problem that the United States faces is securing loose nuclear materials. A terrorist group can pose an existential threat to the global order only by getting hold of such material. We also have an interest in stopping proliferation, particularly by rogue regimes like Iran and North Korea. To achieve both of these core objectives—which would make American safe and the world more secure—we need Russian cooperation. How fulsome is that likely to be if we gratuitously initiate hostilities with Moscow? Dissing dictators might make for a stirring speech, but ordinary Americans will have to live with the complications after the applause dies down.
To reorder the G8 without China would be particularly bizarre. The G8 was created to help coordinate problems of the emerging global economy. Every day these problems multiply—involving trade, pollution, currencies—and are in greater need of coordination. To have a body that attempts to do this but excludes the world's second largest economy is to condemn it to failure and irrelevance. International groups are not cheerleading bodies but exist to help solve pressing global crises. Excluding countries won't make the problems go away."
I know that none of this is nearly as important as who wears flag lapel pins and who doesn't, but what can I say? I just can't help myself.
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