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January 14, 2009

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I think what he meant was he was disappointed that it got reported. He has not so much control over that.

Definitely what Mr. Duncan said.

Publius:

I agree with most of that. But I've got a slightly different gloss on what Bush meant by "a disappointment."

The policies authorized by high-level administration officials were clearly designed to sanction the use of coercive methods of interrogation, including some that can only be described as torture. But the key word there is interrogation. At Abu Ghraib, the guards went a step further. The abuse was initially sanctioned by interrogators who were looking to 'soften up' the prisoners, but it quickly spun out of control. The vast majority of what was done was quite simply sadistic. It served no real function, even in the minds of its perpetrators.

So when he says that "Abu Ghraib, obviously, was a huge disappointment," it's particularly revealing. It's not torture per se that's a disappointment. As best anyone can tell, he doesn't regret the torture of prisoners, so long as it serves (at least in his mind) an instrumental purpose. What he regrets is the application of the very methods his administration authorized for use in interrogations when they served no purpose other than the entertainment of the torturers. The disappointment is that things got out of hand - that, inexplicably to him, poorly-trained and inadequately-supervised troops failed to understand which human rights abuses were terrific, and which were disappointing.

What's interesting to me about this is that, eight years on, Bush is still locked into a mode of rigid self-justification. He doesn't seem able to understand the relationship between his decisions and their consequences. "I don't know if you want to call those mistakes or not," he explained, "but they were -- things didn't go according to plan, let's put it that way." And that's the Bush mindset, in a nutshell. So long as his intent was pure, the consequences, however inevitable, cannot be considered mistakes. There's a total disconnect. You can authorize torture, and then be disappointed by human rights abuses. You can pressure your intelligence agencies to provide evidence of weapons of mass destruction, and then announce that "not having weapons of mass destruction was a significant disappointment." There's even a tiny element of pathos; it seems to be slowly dawning upon him that most of his decisions have resulted in horrific consequences, and yet he seems entirely incapable of understanding why that happened.

Six more days. I can't wait.

How about the disappointment that more than seven years after September 11, 2001, Osama bin Laden is still around and merrily sending out audiotapes, Mr. President Dead-or-Alive?

It's true that the tortures used to train troops to resist in the SERE program were turned on the prisoners in Guantanamo and spread from there to Bagram and the military prisons in Iraq. But that's a partial and sanitized narrative of U.S. torture that accompanied the "war on terror".

First, many of the most damaging torture techniques used were not copied or learned from the Chinese who tortured U.S. prisoners during the Korean war. They were developed by the CIA through an extensive and long-lived program that began in the late 1940s and incorporated the results of agency-sponsored scientific research as well as incorporating techniques used by the Soviets, the Nazis, and the Japanese. This program is the focus of Alfred McCoy's definitive A Question of Torture.

The whole line fed to Jane Mayer by some CIA sources that "we found ourselves in September 2001 without any expertise in interrogation" is an astoundingly bold whopper considering the agency's, and parts of the U.S. military's, long-standing involvement with torture. It asks us to wipe out what's known about the joint CIA-military Phoenix program in Viet Nam, the at least three decades during which U.S. military instructors trained thousands of Latin American military officers in torture at the School of the Americas, and the teaching of torture techniques to police and paramilitary worldwide by CIA and agency-trained contractors.

Second, the risks of teaching torture supposedly for defensive purposes were obvious decades ago. (This is a phenomenon common to many "for defensive purposes only" programs -- biological weapons research, for example). Early in the SERE program, some Green Berets trained in it promptly turned the tortures on Vietnamese prisoners.

Third, physical abuse and tortures of the classic no-research-needed kind began in Afghanistan as soon as there were prisoners to abuse, and were routine at least through the first two years of Operation Enduring Freedom. John Walker Lindh was tortured by Marines, and not for interrogation purposes, within a day of his discovery by U.S. forces. Troops in Afghanistan (and Iraq) believed that they were avenging the September 11 attacks, and they were encouraged in that belief by the President and their chain of command.

Fourth, the relationship between U.S. Special Forces and the CIA is quite fluid, given that Special Forces personnel can be and regularly are temporarily detailed to the agency. This makes the "CIA exception" a mile wide, and all the more urgent to end. The Special Forces-run task force in Iraq (variously known as Task Force 121, TF 5, and several other shifting covers, reported on by Seymour Hirsh in 2004 and Eric Lichtblau in March 2006) used one of Saddam Hussein's former torture centers for the same purpose, along with a number of other houses throughout Iraq -- all with yards big enough to land helicopters. There is no evidence that the secretive task force has ceased operations.

Links to sources can be found in posts tagged 'torture' at my blog, and at the site of Valtin, a psychologist who focuses on the issue and periodically cross-posts at Daily Kos.

Feel sympathy for that prevaricating, arrogant sack of shit? Never, not me.

Jon Stewart explains the true meaning of disappointment (starting around 4:30).

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